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The Feminization of Baking and Pastry Work:
Dissecting Gender Roles in the Foodservice Industry
Alexis Szmodis
Advisor: Dr. Jessica Sherwood
March 21
st
, 2018
Szmodis 2
Abstract
Although the foodservice industry creates livelihood for Americans of all genders, races,
age, and backgrounds, conflict arises as language, media, and the established masculine kitchen
culture continue to reinforce traditional gender roles. Aside from the common difficulties in
kitchen workplaces, women chefs surveyed emphasize the discrimination felt in regard to their
recognition, compensation, and support. Many writers and chefs discuss how the foodserivce
industry claims gender no longer impacts one’s success, but fail to recognize the subliminal ways
gender roles impact the workplace. Research shows women remain in all areas of the food
industry despite the challenges of the environment, although they commonly make sacrifices to
become “one of the guys” or find alternate career paths in order to succeed. Baking and pastry
work appears as one of these additional workplaces where women dominate, although the 2010
StarChefs Salary Report states that male pastry chefs still recieve 27% more pay than their
female equivalents. How the baking and pastry industry has become a positive environment for
many women chefs despite the historical marginalization of women who cultivate these positions
has yet to be established. This thesis examines the genderization of food and the workplace by
analyzing professional cooking interests, work ethics, management styles, and conflicts of
work/life balance, sexual harassment, and discrimination. It also provides careful analysis of the
experiences and observations from women and men currently working in various positions
within the baking and pastry industry. These interviews present defined thoughts and
understandings of gender held by pastry chefs and bakers as compared to the highly researched
culinary workplace and restaurant cultures. Identifying reasons women may feel more
comfortable within pastry work provides insight for how the industry is changing to become
more inclusive and supportive for all culinary professionals.
Szmodis 3
Acknowledgements
First off, I would like to thank all the inspiring bakers and pastry chefs who took the time
to have a thoughtful conversation with me, without whom this project would not have been
possible. I am also grateful for all my friends, family, coworkers, and peers who kept me
motivated throughout the lengthy research process. My advisor, Dr. Jessica Sherwood, deserves
particularly special thanks for all her expert assistance and guidance.
Szmodis 4
Table of Contents
Introduction 5
Literature Review 6
1. Gendered Workplaces 7
2. Gendered Foods 9
3. Interest & Ambitions 10
4. Work Ethics 11
5. Management Styles 12
6. Sexual Harassment & Discrimination 13
7. Work/Life Balance 14
8. Media Recognition 15
9. Discussion 17
Research Methods 18
Experience & Training 19
Pastry Workplaces 21
Pastry Chefs & Bakers 24
Interests & Ambitions 25
Masculinity in the Workplace 28
Femininity in the Workplace 29
Work Ethics 30
Management Styles 31
Work/Life Balance 32
Sexual Harassment & Discrimination 34
Media Recognition 36
Conclusion 37
Works Cited 43
Appendix A Participant Information 46
Appendix B Interview Questions 47
Szmodis 5
Introduction
As women continue to seek recognition and equal opportunities in the workplace,
journalists, scholars, and food industry professionals regularly ask why women have been
excluded or overlooked by men in professional kitchens. Statistics from the 2010 StarChefs
Salary Report verify the prevalence of a gender gap in kitchens concluding women hold only
10% of executive chef positions, earning 22% less than their male equivalents (Villeneuve,
2011). However, when asking chefs to discuss this data, researchers revealed that plenty of
women work throughout the foodservice industry, and most chefs no longer want to discuss how
gender impacts their work as it could be dismissive of their personal ambition and work ethic.
With the goal of affirming the need for change to further support and recognize women chefs,
Eater Magazine’s “28 Pie Charts That Show Female Representation in Food” provides numerical
data comparing the number of women chefs given awards and acknowledgement in 2013 media
with their progress made in 2017 (Kludt, 2017). While these pie charts do show a slight increase
in representation, women chefs are still an obvious minority in 16 different categories meant to
provide recognition to chefs and restaurateurs (Kludt, 2017). Therefore, even though women
work in all areas of the foodservice industry, there appears to be a lack of women in positions
most highly recognized either by the industry itself or by the media. Further studies and articles
investigate the workplace environment and recognition of women chefs throughout the
foodservice industry and in the media, in regards to interests and ambitions, food preferences,
work ethics, management styles, work/life balance, and challenges regarding sexual harassment
and discrimination. My research aims to expand this discussion by including the specific
observations of pastry chefs and bakers on these topics and how individuals in the field and the
structure of foodservice establishments as a whole may perpetuate or suppress gender roles.
Szmodis 6
Analyzing workplace behaviors and patterns throughout the industry through quantitative
data has drawbacks as gender is commonly discussed with a binary viewpoint. Therefore,
qualitative methods, such as primary accounts, are necessary to gather more conclusive feedback
to determine how gender truly impacts the foodservice industry. Most scholarly articles attribute
this gender division to the perpetuation of male and female domestic roles, primarily analyzing
kitchen workplace cultures through such previously mentioned data or through interviews with
women chefs. This research reveals an incomplete investigation, as male chefs’ perspectives are
not included much in the discussion on gender in the foodservice industry, despite writers’
positive intentions behind highlighting women chefs’ opinions. Furthermore, StarChefs 2005
Salary Report confirms that women make up 80 percent of bakers, 77 percent of pastry chefs,
and 84% of pastry cook positions (Marcus, 2005). While women hold a majority of positions in
baking and pastry, the 2010 StarChefs Salary Report reveals they are still paid 27% less than
male pastry chefs (Villeneuve, 2011). This data shows an even larger gender gap in pastry
careers than the culinary industry. However, the differences in culinary and pastry positions and
workplaces fails to be adequately acknowledged through research on women chefs. Ultimately,
many scholars and journalists discuss how the stereotypical male-dominated kitchen culture
leads to women pursuing alternate career paths; instead, I emphasize both male and female
experiences in various positions within the pastry industry in order to help explain how the
foodservice industry continues to perpetuate gender roles as they impact workplaces both
positively and negatively.
Literature Review
A majority of the research on women chefs begins by addressing the irony in the
association of women with domestic cooking leading to the perceived separation of women from
Szmodis 7
professional kitchens. Chef Ann Cooper’s work “A Woman’s Place is in the Kitchen” (1998)
uses historical analysis combined with extensive surveys of women chefs in order to share both
their frustrations and achievements. Chef Educator Dr. Pat Bartholomew discusses society's
inability to detach women chefs from their traditional domestic roles making women’s cooking
seem unimportant while men’s labor in the kitchen is considered professional (Cooper, 1998).
Sociologists Deborah A. Harris and Patti Giuffre, also write extensively on the devaluation of
women’s labor in Taking the Heat: Women Chefs and Gender Inequality in the Professional
Kitchen, by analyzing women chefs’ experiences, the history of professional cooking, and the
influence of media on the success of women in kitchen workplaces. These gendered roles
continue to enforce harmful ideologies impacting chefs’ workplace environment, ambitions,
skills, management styles, abilities balancing work and family, and the likilihood of being
promoted and recognized as a successful industry professional.
1. Gendered Workplaces
In order to answer why women seem excluded or unrecognized in culinary positions,
researchers must first analyze how male-dominated kitchens operate. Both Pastry Chef Melissa
DeMayo and Chef Ann Cooper compare the hierarchy in professional kitchens to traditional
military systems (Burros, 1992; Cooper, 1998). Many researchers credit French Chef Auguste
Escoffier’s introduction of the brigade system into professional kitchens in 1898 London for
reinforcing the masculine kitchen culture we still see today (Cooper, 1998). Harris and Giuffre
(2015) further explain how French high-status cuisine becomes associated with masculinity as
professional chefs (all men in Escoffier's time) fear their cooking will be compared to home
cooking and consequently appearing feminine. Ina Lipkowitz (2011) writes on the semantics
surrounding food consumption and production throughout history in “Words to Eat By: Five
Szmodis 8
Foods and the Culinary History of the English Language.” Lipkowitz (2011) determines the
language used to discuss food throughout literature, cookbooks, and the media portrays certain
attitudes and beliefs, such as the sophistication of haute cuisine. Providing a brief history of
Gourmet magazine, Lipkowitz (2011) explains how traditional ways of cooking deemed
important were established for the weathly and privileged creating the industry’s “prejudice in
favor of all things French and Italian [which] is neither natural or inevitable, but instead
historically determined.” Harris and Giuffre (2015) also reveal these attitudes towards classical
French cooking by analyzing the rhetoric used by critics separating home cooking from the
technical, scientific, and artistic skills associated with “elite chefs” or professionals. Centuries
later, the association of cooking with women’s domestic roles creates a “feminization threat” that
male chefs may still experience, leading to the exclusion of women in kitchens (Harris and
Giuffre, 2015). Examples of other male-dominated occupations becoming female-dominated,
such as elementary school teaching, actually show a decrease in pay, which explains male chefs’
concern, as jobs associated with femininity are often devalued by society (Harris and Giuffre,
2015). Food Columnist Marian Burros’ (1992) research admits that women not only have
difficulty climbing up the ranks in a kitchen, but may be less willing to conform to the system
created and upheld by sexist attitudes. Examples of these behaviors are specified in Harris and
Giuffre’s (2010) interviews with women chefs explaining their male coworkers or supervisors’
expectations for them to go above and beyond to fit into the masculine culture. These struggles
could include harassment, criticism for focusing on personal family life, or simply working
longer hours to prove commitment, which men may not experience due to gender biases labeling
them as “ideal workers” (Acker, 1990). Some women may use their feminine traits, such as
patience or support for others, as assets for success, refusing to conform to the typical masculine
Szmodis 9
culture. Meanwhile many women discussed in Restaurant Business’ “Girl Scouts: You'll Find
Women Working all Kinds of Restaurant Jobs” (2003) felt inclined to adapt in order to be
accepted as “one of the guys” as Cooper (1998) articulates. However, most of the women noted
as successful within the industry occupy managerial positions, which seem more common for
women to obtain as opposed to executive chef positions (Girl Scouts, 2003). Managerial roles in
corporate companies have a vastly different atmosphere and obligations. Although many
women worked through the kitchen to gain their authority, that distinct workplace may appeal to
more women; especially those who wish to balance their domestic lives with professional work.
If management and ownership positions within the food industry provide a unique environment
for women to be recognized, then they need to be analyzed separately from kitchen work.
Likewise, if more women feel comfortable doing pastry work, then the pastry industry should be
analyzed separately from culinary work as well in order to assist in defining a more beneficial
workplace for women.
2. Gendered Foods
Not only are kitchen workplaces gendered, but society also correlates gender with food
itself. Examining feminine and masculine food associations reveals similarities with the types of
culinary work women and men are expected to perform. Brian Wansink (2003), Professor of
Cornell University, conducted a study on how comfort food preferences vary according to age
and gender. The results showed that women prefer snacks such as candy or chocolate, while
men prefer meals as comfort food, such as pasta and meats (Wansink, 2003). In addition to
gender and age affecting food preferences, Wansink (2003) concludes that social contexts and
personal identification with foods also create gendered food preferences. Although this study
does not demonstrate that men or women are more likely to cook professionally according to
Szmodis 10
these preferences, it does suggest society’s gendering of food. Still, Harris and Giuffre (2015)
make similar connections of femininity with salad and desserts and masculinity with meats,
stemming from the male chef’s exclusion of women from the hot cooking line. However these
associations have been created, the professional industry may reinforce them, specifically
through the language used to discuss food and cooking. Caitlin Hines (1999) provides further
evidence while investigating the “woman as dessert” metaphor within the text Reinventing
Identities: The Gendered Self in Discourse. Hines (1999) analyzes language and connotations
that equate women with desserts, primarily as sex objects. The evolution of this metaphor
impacts our perception of women as “sweet” and desserts as feminine, which may explain why
more women are showing interest in the baking and pastry field. Ultimately, the association of
breads or pastries with femininity and meals or meats with masculinity contributes to personal
food preferences, which research shows may align with professional cooking interests.
3. Interest & Ambitions
Despite the general association of women with domestic cooking throughout history,
women’s interest in cooking professionally has been questioned by journalists and industry
professionals in order to explain why there are fewer female executive chefs. In her 1998
research, Chef Ann Cooper worries that the lack of women chefs recognized in the media would
discourage future generations and decrease diversity in the industry. However, Kerri Conan’s
1994 article from Restaurant Business uses statistics from Johnson & Wales University and the
Culinary Institute of America to prove the influx of women entering culinary schools with an
interest in joining the kitchen professionally. Meanwhile, DataUSA shows female involvement
in culinary programs continues decades later with 2015 data revealing that 57.7% of culinary arts
graduates and 82.9% of baking and pastry students are female among 5 different programs. This
Szmodis 11
data confirms that the gender divide does not stem from a lack of involvement and interest in the
foodservice industry. Many authors like Cooper, Conan, Harris and Giuffre use a significant
number of primary sources to support their understanding that women have plenty of ambition
for cooking professionally, but also find challenges gaining recognition or promotions despite
their passion, skills, and education in the culinary field. As this data reveals a greater number of
women pursuing a career in baking and pastry, my research questions why women may have
greater interest in pastry as an alternative workplace to culinary kitchens.
4. Work Ethics
Over the past few decades, studies of women chefs reveal similar findings as those
interviewed attribute the gender divide to differences in work ethic according to gender. Harris
and Guiffre (2015) explain how these differences may appear, as women are associated with
cooking as a form of domestic care, while men’s cooking is accepted as professional. Research
shows that women chefs often take on masculine character traits, displaying anger and
aggressiveness, which have been commonly displayed by male chefs in order to appear less
nurturing and more professional (Harris, 2015). On the other hand, interviewees in Cooper’s
(1998) survey believe many women are drawn to the back of the house work due to their
shyness, a specifically feminine trait, which may make it difficult to work in the stereotypically
loud, temperamental, masculine environment of kitchens. Over a decade after Cooper’s study,
journalists Tamar Adler (2017) and Julia Moskin (2014) write about shifts in high-end kitchen
cultures under the influence of women. Many of the chefs interviewed claim that gender does
not influence their work, emphasizing all the hard work women chefs have done to prove their
capabilities in the kitchen. However, some reviews go further to claim that women chef owners’
dishes actually appear or taste more feminine, as established by the association of gender with
Szmodis 12
food. A recent experiment at New York’s Astor Center, “Gender Confusion: Unraveling the
Myths of Gender in the Restaurant Kitchen,” proves that men and women's cooking does not
inherently differ, while judges still perceived certain foods, presentations, and garnishes as
feminine (Druckman, 2010). While these stereotypically gendered character traits may not apply
to all men and women’s work and management styles, a majority of women chefs have
recognized the impact their gender has had in the workplace, with the expectation for them to
constantly prove their passion and abilities in order to either fit into the male-dominated
environment or create a new culture of their own.
5. Management Styles
While individuals typically avoid categorizing ambition and work ethic according to
gender, many articles discuss how women chefs and owners are making changes to the high end
restaurant industry, which has a known history of being male-dominated An article for
Restaurant Business, “Girl Scouts: You'll Find Women Working all Kinds of Restaurant Jobs”
(2003), commends women for using traditionally feminine characteristics in order to go further
than their male competitors. The article provides examples of women chefs in management roles
such as Sally Smith, CEO of Buffalo Wild Wings, and Marian Dozier, Chair of Austaco Ltd.,
who claim that their organization and compassion for employees stems from their motherly roles,
allowing them to supervise in ways that male executives traditionally fail (Girl Scouts, 2003).
Articles like Moskin’s (2014) “A Change in the Kitchen” published by The New York Times
comments on how companies providing benefits, increased pay, and job security allow more
women chefs to rise into higher positions. Adler’s (2017) “How Female Chefs Are Changing
Restaurant Kitchen Culture” gives examples of women chefs such as Sara Kramer and Sarah
Hymanson, owners of a new Los Angeles restaurant, Kismet, who manage their kitchen with
Szmodis 13
understanding and respect for their employees first and foremost. These women chefs’
showcasing a strong work ethic and innovative perspectives seem to provide guidance to
industry professionals as they aim to make their workplaces more comfortable and supportive of
all employees. With data proving pastry’s appeal to women, it could be deduced that pastry
kitchens and bakeshops follow these models of compassionate, inclusive workplaces unfolding
throughout the foodservice industry.
6. Sexual Harassment & Discrimination
With the increasing number of media studies highlighting the challenges and successes of
chefs and restaurateurs, sexual harassment and gender discrimination has become a focal point to
indicate the necessity for change in foodservice workplaces. The Restaurant Opportunities
Centers United Forward Together conducted surveys across 39 states in the U.S. concluding that
unwanted sexual behavior and harassment was experienced by 60% of women and transgender
workers and 46% of men, with inappropriate touching being a major factor (“The Glass Floor,”
2014). Workers of all genders report sexual harassment from coworkers, customers, and
restaurant management, revealing how these behaviors have been accepted throughout
historically male-dominated kitchens (“The Glass Floor,” 2014). As the industry continues to
allow the sexual objectification of individuals, specifically those in tipped positions, women, and
trans people remain in positions of lesser power and are less likely to report harassment due to its
normalization. Harris and Giuffre’s (2015) research cites sexual harassment as a form of “team
building among men chefs” in which chefs are expected to tolerate sexual joking and teasing in
order to fit into the culture and prove themselves as professionals. As the media draws more
attention to these unprofessional behaviors, sexual misconduct allegations have been made by
female foodservice employees against male celebrity chefs like Mario Batali, Ken Friedman,
Szmodis 14
Johnny Iuzzini, and John Besh (Bon Appetit, 2017). These examples stand out as male chefs
with higher positions of power using the normalized sexual culture of kitchens to condone their
wrongful treatment of women in particular. Because women are often targets for inappropriate
behaviors in kitchen workplaces, I wonder how these trends carry over to female-dominated
pastry kitchens where the food produced has a history of sexual connotations. Some perceive the
growth of women in pastry as a result of traditional gender roles and the pressure for women to
work harder in professional environments, while others may simply claim that gender no longer
impacts the work of individuals and the industry as a whole.
7. Work/Life Balance
In addition to the workplace discrimination, many women chefs emphasize the
difficulties of balancing work and family as the main reason for choosing a career path outside of
an executive chef. Chef Ann Cooper (1998) focuses her work on the sacrifices and challenges
women experience in the food industry, using statistics from the National Restaurant Association
(NRA) to show how women chefs surveyed balance their personal relationships and family life.
In Harris and Giuffre’s (2010) research, they seek ideas to create a more equal workplace,
noticing that women chefs have a more difficult time with maintaining their domestic duties
while working in the culinary industry. The study included in-depth interviews with 33 women,
currently or previously working as professional chefs who commented on what forced them
away from the industry or allowed them to succeed in managing both roles. Research concluded
that the women adhered to three different strategies: delaying/foregoing motherhood for work,
finding another job in the food industry to escape the kitchen environment, or modifying work or
domestics roles to be more compatible (Harris, 2010). Despite integrating a diverse group of
women, by focusing solely on the balance of childcare and work, Harris and Giuffre’s (2010)
Szmodis 15
study fails to direct attention to women who do not consider their lack of maternal or family
responsibility as a sacrifice for their career. They also acknowledge the absence of men’s
experiences in their approach, which if included, would assist in clarifying the gendered nature
of the environment and conflict (Harris, 2010). However, while considering how women’s
personal expectations remain different from men’s, Cooper (1998) determines all chef careers
contain challenges despite one’s gender, while women typically have fewer choices when it
comes to work/family conflict. The cultural expectations that women should focus on having a
successful career while maintaining their traditional domestic role provides women with fewer
options for recognition and advancement in kitchen professions, ultimately forcing them to
consider altering their career path more so than men. However, with increasing numbers of
women joining the pastry industry specifically, it may provide more options for work/life
balance attracting those who can not commit to the culinary environment, while still wanting to
work in a professional kitchen setting.
8. Media Recognition
As women chefs find ways to balance work and family and create a positive workplace
unaccepting of harassment, the media plays an important role in showing others the value of such
work. Another main concern of Chef Ann Cooper (1998) was how representation of women
chefs would impact future generations ability to move up in the industry. Cooper (1998)
demands the industry become more family friendly and make changes to better support women
employees. The women interviewed in Cooper’s (1998) study explained the importance of
having women mentors in such a demanding occupation. Nearly twenty years later, research
(Harris and Giuffre, 2015) shows some progress as there’s no lack of women working in the
foodservice industry; however, many argue there remains an insufficient amount of women chefs
Szmodis 16
represented in the media. Jessica Valenti’s 2015 article for The Guardian demonstrates how
women chefs support one another through word of mouth, joining organizations like Women
Chef & Restaurateurs (WCR) and developing more inclusive kitchen cultures. Despite these
positive industry changes, articles such as Kludt’s (2017) aforementioned “28 Pie Charts...”
show the disconnect between the reality of the industry and what the media shows. Harris and
Giuffre (2015) give examples of how food critics and other media outlets discuss women and
men chefs differently. The success of a chef or their establishment is often determined by how
food critics and other media outlets discuss their careers. Food critics have an important role in
legitimizing women's work and ensuring chefs’ work is not devalued whether it supports the
traditionally feminine or masculine styles and presentations (Harris, 2015). An article published
in Esquire questions how women chefs are misrepresented in the media when the majority of
journalists are women themselves. Journalist Sarah Zorn (2017) explains the controversy of the
concept of women being pigeonholed by the media, despite the positive intentions behind
providing more equal representation. This occurs as women chefs are purposely recognized for
their work according to their gender, regaurdless of their capabilities as a chef or restauranteur.
Likewise, women chefs themselves, such as Michelin Star Chef Dominique Crenn call out the
media, not only for their lack of women recognition, but for categorizing awards according to
gender as seen with “Best Female Chef” lists (Pershan, 2017). Meanwhile, the use of social
media, with sites like Instagram, give chefs like Crenn a platform to share their work and
communicate such ideas and personal observations. Language used often has gendered
connotations, which send a more subliminal message about how we judge women chefs, even if
they are seen in equal numbers on television, magazines, or social media. Through my research,
Szmodis 17
particularly in the media, women chefs seem to be described with stereotypical feminine traits
and foods that generally align with the perception of baking and pastry work.
9. Discussion
Previously mentioned sociologists, scholars, and food journalists all determined that the
perceived lack of women chefs does not derive from lack of interest, work ethic, or management
skill, but rather from the gendered environment and routines restricting women from advancing
into positions in which chefs are most highly recognized. Because there is still a great number of
women working throughout the culinary and food industry, the positions which they are most
commonly found must be examined instead of focusing on the minority being recognized as
successful executive chefs. Harris and Giuffre (2010) believe that positions outside of the
kitchen may provide more financial security and fewer or simply more regular working hours.
Meanwhile the CEO’s and business owners highlighted in “Girl Scouts: You'll Find Women
Working all Kinds of Restaurant Jobs” (2003) most likely left behind chef positions to receive
aforementioned benefits. Meanwhile Cooper (1998) noticed the issue with women placed in
“support roles” despite their capabilities as a cook or chef; this employee could be simply stuck
in a sous chef position or pressured to join the pastry team instead of working the line. The
women reviewed in Burros’ (1992) The New York Times article actually choose pastry as an
alternative workplace where the less masculine environment and precise, organized nature of the
work allows them to excel. This knowledge can not only explain why there are few female
executive chefs being recognized, but can also enhance understanding of the creation and
duration of a gender gap within the pastry field itself.
Szmodis 18
Research Methods
Given this background on women chefs entering male-dominated kitchen workplaces, my
research investigates how gender roles and stereotypes continue to impact an industry that claims
gender no longer matters. To further the previously mentioned qualitative research on women
chefs, I interviewed 12 professionals working in various positions within the baking and pastry
industry in the United States, who were given pseudonyms in the discussion (See Appendix A).
Because my sample is narrowed to bakers and pastry chefs, I feel it is important to be able to
compare and contrast both male and female perspectives. Similarly, I aimed to gather data from
individuals with experiences working in different kitchen environments, such as bakeries, hotels,
or restaurants, and with different positions, such as pastry cooks, chefs, bakers, instructors, and
owners. With this data, I can better understand how workplaces differ according to the
foodservice establishment, type of culinary or pastry work, and how gender may relate to the
success or challenges of each individual. Many sociologists claim that in-person interviews
allow the best form of communication through the ability to read and react to one another’s facial
expressions and body language. However, solely conducting in-person interviews would limit
my sample to a specific geographic region, which would not best reflect the very globalized
foodservice industry. In order to obtain a more well rounded sample, I conducted interviews in
person, over the phone, and through live video chat, recording the conversation when possible
and taking notes accordingly.
My primary goal for conducting interviews was to examine individuals’ experiences
within various baking and pastry positions and workplaces in order establish how gender roles
continue to affect the foodservice industry. My research questions began by establishing the
interviewees’ work experience, training, and interests in the industry, then shifted to analyze how
Szmodis 19
pastry functions separately from the gendered culinary workplace and how gender impacts the
perception of the two cultures (See Appendix B). While this research focuses on the baking and
pastry industry, comparisons are made to culinary environments in order to reinforce the
characteristics of masculine versus feminine workplaces. The dialog prompted discussion of
personal situations and observations, which can be compared to gain an understanding of the
industry as a whole; however, it is acknowledged that the stereotypes brought up do not apply to
all situations, specifically when examining gender as a binary construct.
My research will begin by comparing pastry kitchens to the traditionally male-dominated
environment of savory kitchens. Analyzing the specific workplace culture through necessary
interests, skills, and management traits of baking and pastry work will establish how it has
developed as a feminized industry with unique challenges and conflicts. In many ways, the
baking and pastry industry acts as a female-dominated workplace providing guidance for how
the industry can be more inclusive of all genders. The discussion essentially dissects how gender
is perceived to no longer matter in a professional workplace despite the foodservice industries
history of gender segregation.
Experience & Training
This research includes the personal experiences of baking and pastry professionals with a
mix of positions, employers, locations, lengths of industry experience, and gender identities,
which capture a general perspective of the pastry industry. Three out of the twelve interviewees
identify as men while the remaining nine are women. Length of time working in the industry
ranged from only a few years to over twenty-five years among participants. About half of the
interviewees had travelled for school or work opportunities; therefore, these findings show an
overview of experiences from across the United States. Interviewees have an array of culinary
Szmodis 20
school training; while the majority have ties to Johnson & Wales University, others have degrees
from the Culinary Institute of America, New England Culinary Institute, or other community
colleges and vocational technical schools. It should be noted that all interviewees have some
form of higher education in culinary school. While arguments have been made that culinary
degrees and certificates are unnecessary to rise to successful chef positions, some form of higher
education appear to be a common route within today's industry. All participants commented on
the gender division in their various work experiences, specifically in baking and pastry
programs, where data confirms that the majority of students are female.
In regards to employment history, a majority of interviewees have background in
Providence, RI; however, others have worked in New York City, Boston, Chicago, and various
cities across the Eastern Coast and California. The similarities in findings, despite the variety in
locations, reveal how globalized the industry has become and how these personal observations
may relate to bakers and pastry chefs everywhere.
In addition to location, employers, and previous training positions held by participants
ranged from certified executive pastry chefs to pastry cooks, supervisors, owners, and
instructors. Each position has unique responsibilities and therefore may experience different
cultures between restaurants, hotels, bakeshops, cafeterias, and classrooms. While commenting
on these environments, reflections on the differences between pastry and culinary were also
provided; therefore, it is important to note that some participants have experience working the
hot line in restaurants, doing culinary prep work, or simply observe and work alongside culinary
or savory chefs and cooks.
In a majority of cases, these baking and pastry workplaces have been defined as female-
dominated, accompanying the data of the gender divide in culinary schools. However
Szmodis 21
interviewees still confirm the presence of men in pastry and bake shops: a male baker, David,
claims that the few men he saw in pastry were typically executive pastry chefs or owners. Others
have worked in more equally divided kitchens, while culinary schools discussed showed a
balance of male and female baking and pastry instructors as well. While it is difficult to show
the exact division of gender and position within the industry, it is clear that majority of baking
and pastry positions are held by women, despite the restaurant or culinary industries still being
labeled as male-dominated.
For the purposes of this study, I use the term pastry chef loosely to include all levels
bakers, pastry cooks, executive pastry chefs, and instructors. Likewise, I use culinary to
describe any kind of savory cooking or preparation and culinary chef in reference to any cook or
level of chef working in any type of food service establishment. However I understand the
differences between these positions and prestige attached to the term “Chef,” and therefore will
specify their position when necessary for analysis. Just as individuals show hesitancy to
categorize individuals by gender, language was used carefully to describe those with experience
and prestige in the industry as a “Chef;” however, all interviewees felt comfortable separating
their perception of culinary with their work in baking and pastry.
Pastry Workplaces
Other research on gender in the foodservice industry has established how the male-
dominated culture continues to influence culinary and restaurant workplaces. Although none of
my interviewees currently work in culinary positions, their observations over their years in the
industry showed important contrasts between culinary and pastry work. While the gender
breakdown in kitchens depends on the establishment, most participants saw an even mix of male
and female employees in culinary kitchens. However, all participants claimed culinary kitchens
Szmodis 22
operate in a loud, chaotic, intense environment, which researchers and journalists have linked to
the industry’s male-dominated roots. This stereotype can be summed up by current bakery
owner Kate’s reference of Anthony Bourdain’s book “Kitchen Confidential” when explaining
her work experience in a high standard restaurant kitchen, run by a tough, loud, male chef.
Pastry Chef Karen furthers this connection by relating her culinary training to military systems,
in the sense that they are both strict, demanding, and follow a specific hierarchy of command.
Interviewees explained how the rush of service, long hours, and physical nature of the job makes
culinary work appear less organized or time-managed. Pastry Instructor Catherine comments on
some other negative aspects of culinary kitchens including the normalization of swearing,
drinking, smoking, and drug use. However, despite the chaotic and sometimes hot-tempered
environments of culinary kitchens, the rush of service can also encourage the development of a
strong work ethic and learning how to put your head down and focus on working cleanly and
efficiently. The nature of cooking for service create an environment which is then associated
with masculinity, as male-dominated workplaces continue to pass down this kitchen culture.
In the same way that cooking for service contributes to the typical culinary environment,
the methods of preparing desserts and baked goods help create a unique atmosphere within the
pastry industry. While many would not think of kitchen work as a quiet, calm, and clean job
description, the majority of participants used these terms to describe a typical pastry or bake
shop. The idea of pastry as more relaxed than culinary comes from the typical lack of rush of
service as desserts are planned and prepared in advance and only sometimes plated a la minute
by pastry chefs themselves. Executive Pastry Chef Shannon explains how culinary cooks and
other hotel employees would come to the pastry shop in order to socialize and relax when they
had time before service begins.
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Despite this feedback making pastry seem more laid-back, participants emphasized that
baking is intense and stressful in different ways. Pastry chefs included the importance of
methodology and to-do lists, because breads and desserts need to be prepared ahead of time and
often completed in various stages. With more steps to the baking process, time management and
working slow and steady were indicated as essential by interviewees. While culinary chefs may
be able to fix product as it is cooked, pastry chefs interviewed commented on the scientific
nature of baking leaving less room for error. This contributes to the stress of achieving both
scientific and visual perfection among baking and pastry professionals, who appear to have the
tendency to work in a more organized, quiet, and focused environment than culinary chefs.
Interviewees also commented on the differences in supervision between pastry and
culinary. While culinary kitchens typically have a hierarchy of chef positions and stations as
Escoffier designed, most pastry shops are managed by just one pastry chef or supervisor. While
the division of labor entirely depends on the size of the establishment, Julia, a pastry chef
instructor with background in restaurant work, explains how she had to do all of the jobs herself,
from prep work to ordering ingredients, menu design, and actually plating for service. Another
baking instructor, Mary, added that pastry chefs are often the first ones working and the last ones
to leave. Other challenges of pastry work come from a lack of space, tools, and employees to get
the work done, especially in restaurants where dessert sales do not compare to the value of the
dinner menu. In addition, Hotel Pastry Chef Shannon, claims pastry chefs could be a “dying
breed” as employers cut budgets and positions for executive pastry chefs. The challenge of
baking and pastry product not being valued as much as culinary food may contribute to the added
pressure for perfection and professionalism in baking and pastry kitchens. Interviewees
concluded that bakers require specific skills in order to feel comfortable in the methodical
Szmodis 24
workplace of bake shops and pastry kitchens, which are overlooked by the loud, rushed service
of culinary professionals. These clear differences in description of environment become more
interesting when considering that majority of interviewees felt that the pastry industry is female-
dominated, while culinary kitchens are still influenced by male-dominated systems.
Pastry Chefs & Bakers
After illustrating the general culture of pastry workplaces, I asked participants to describe
common character or personality traits of pastry chefs and bakers, which revealed a strong link
between the culture of the workplace and an individual's work ethic or mind set. This
conversation revealed patterns for how gender identity plays a role in the workplace as well.
Pastry chefs were commonly described as patient, relaxed, and personable with a high attention
to detail. Karen labels these traits as the “baker personality,” which interviewees all commented
on, to establish a cohesive view of the scientific yet artistic mindset and standards for pastry
work. Kate states that it takes certain types of people to be patient enough to develop skills and
senses needed to produce baked goods. The patience needed to deal with pastry products
translated into the likelihood that one would be patient with people as well. Catherine further
explains that the time in both preparing the product and developing such skills makes pastry
chefs and bakers respect, nurture, and care for their product much more.
Again, these descriptions were opposite from the generalizations of culinary chefs being
less concerned about patience or precision and more likely to be temperamental or laisseź faire.
Although some participants showed interest in both culinary and pastry at one point in their
career, Pastry Chef Karen, determined it to be rare for an individual to have the particular
mindset or ambition to succeed in both lines of work. Management styles also seemed to differ
between culinary and pastry chefs. While these styles are personal to the individual and their
Szmodis 25
staff, interviewees found connections between the type of work and ways of supervising. Many
interviewees are instructors and claimed to teach how they learn best, which appears to be a very
hands-on style of managing for most pastry chefs. This makes sense considering how scientific
methods need to be taught to employees in order to help them develop senses and knowledge
necessary for efficient pastry production. While this style of teaching seems important to
culinarians as well, interviewees had more experiences with culinary chefs using a laisseź faire
and hands-off approach to directing students and employees. This contributes to the sometime
strict, less personable perception of culinary chefs and separation of positions in savory kitchens
compared to the tight-knit, supportive atmosphere of pastry shops. These personality differences
lead to individuals pursuing specific lines of culinary or pastry work, reinforcing the unique
workplace culture of each area. Although culinary and pastry work is often discussed together,
interviewees emphasize the differences in the work, which can lead to conflicts of
communication and challenges for individuals to fit into the separated work cultures.
Interests & Ambitions
With the differences in workplaces and positions comes an array of interests drawing
participants to the baking and pastry field. Through conversations with interviewees I looked for
areas where gender may be associated with specific interest in a certain type of work, whether it
be the food itself, skill set needed for the production, or workplace environment. While it is not
unheard of for women to be pressured or forced into pastry work as an alternative to culinary, all
my interviewees had personal ambitions to work in baking and pastry for numerous reasons.
Some specifically expressed passion for plated desserts, chocolate or showpiece work, cake
decorating, breads, or high-end pastry buffets. Despite the many types of pastry work specified,
the majority of interviewees claimed the artistic, creative details of the work inspired them to
Szmodis 26
pursue baking and pastry as a profession. Two women admitted their sweet tooth first sparked
their interest in baking, supporting the idea that personal food preferences may impact
professional passions, especially knowing that these individuals had degrees and opportunities in
culinary arts as well. While savory foods seem to have a relation to sustenance and nutrition,
pastry is often associated with comfort and pleasure. In the same way that culinary foods such as
meat have been gendered, breads have associations with masculinity, as Baking Instructor Mary
states very matter of factly: “bakers are mainly men, pastry chefs are women.” Meanwhile these
ideas did not translate into the interests and ambitions of my interviewees, as both women and
men were likely to show passion for both artisan breads and other areas such as chocolates. It
appears to be a common industry concept to separate areas of interest by gender, despite
individuals assessment that their gender should not impact their personal work or environment.
When asked to give potential reasons for the increase of women seeking degrees and
careers in baking and pastry, many commented on the visual and artistic appeal attracting more
women. Some further defined the work of pastry chefs as delicate and associated with beauty or
refinement. Others saw baking as a method of scientific innovation in developing flavors,
textures, and improving quality of product. Meanwhile, comments were also made on the
physical nature of kitchen jobs, as interviewees enjoy working with their hands, being on their
feet, and developing tangible products. Journalists typically comment on the physical, laborious
nature of kitchen work when discussing the exclusion of women from foodservice professions;
however, the female-dominated pastry industry appears just as labor intensive. Despite these
associations, they revealed no clear separation in interests according to the gender of the
interviewee. When discussing her interest in the beauty of pastry, Pastry Cook Megan states: “I
feel like women are more detail oriented people, not that savory production can’t be the same
Szmodis 27
way. Both men and women were attracted to the creative, scientific, and physical labor of
baking and pastry work, and no one conclusively stated any pressure to pursue pastry as an
alternative workplace. However, there appeared to be clear associations of femininity or
masculinity with the professional interests of the bakers and pastry chefs.
Interviewees also provided detailed descriptions of mentors who ranged across gender,
profession, and relationship. Author Chef Ann Cooper (1998) claims women chefs have an
important role as models for other women wishing to enter the industry. However, when
describing mentors, gender rarely played a role in interviewees’ descriptions as research
suggested. Pastry Instructor Sarah gives examples of male family members, instructors, and
supervisors who have given support in different ways. Meanwhile, she does acknowledge the
lack of women in her list, confirming it is not due to a lack of strong women working in the
industry as well. Pastry Cook Megan discusses her previous female pastry supervisor as a friend
and inspiring manager. Many interviewees valued managers with experience and skill who were
critical yet supportive, making the workplace more comfortable. Teachers who encouraged
participants to pursue specific interests or were very approachable with questions were also cited
as great mentors. Whether mentored by a family member, pastry professional, or teacher,
participants were able to value certain personable, empowering, and accomplished mentors
regardless of despite the gender they identify with. Representation can be an important tool to
ensure younger generations can identify with certain roles and positions; however, there does not
seem to be an issue with pastry professionals being supported and inspired by both men and
women throughout their career.
Szmodis 28
Masculinity in the Workplace
Throughout the interview process, it became clear how masculine traits were strongly
associated with culinary, though they are shown more subtly throughout the pastry industry as
well. With the foodservice industries’ necessity for physically capable workers with a strong
work ethic and flexibility of hours, Acker’s theory of “ideal workers” shows how masculinity
has been associated with professional cooking. However, these traits are just as important for
bakers and pastry chefs. In fact, some of the more experienced interviewees explain how the
baking and pastry industry has shifted over the past two decades, including how professional
baking was mostly male-dominated. Karen gives examples of being the only women in
professional kitchens and observed how previous generations of bakers were typically male and
focused heavily on the production aspect of baking. Even those with only a few years of
industry experience saw the perception of baking change from a basic service job to a more
educated, skillful, artistic career. Bakery Owner Kate provides insight to the world of production
bread baking, which focuses more on repetition and physical labor to produce high quantities of
product. She compared her smaller scale bakery to factory-like facilities, which are more likely
to be staffed by men, who may be uneducated or immigrants to the United States, reinforcing the
idea of physical nature of baking as a masculine job. While cooks had to establish their
profession as masculine in order to separate their work from domestic cooking, pastry chefs may
do the same to separate themselves from home bakers. Harris and Giuffre (2015) use the term
“precarious masculinity” to describe the emphasis of masculine behaviors in workplaces where
men must complete “female-coded tasks.” Recent Johnson & Wales University Alumni Nathan
claims the other male pastry students may take more of an interest in bread production as a
scientific, labor intensive, and therefore masculine skill. Male pastry chefs and students may
Szmodis 29
also feel the need to develop a better work ethic in order to stand out and prove themselves
within a female-dominated class. Because of the physical labor and less refined visual appeal,
the artisan bread movement may act as a more masculine environment within the larger feminine
roles of baking and pastry work.
Femininity in the Workplace
Pastry has been established as a feminine profession due to the association of sweets with
femininity, baking with domestic roles, and the pastry industry developing as an artistic,
educated career choice. Pastry Chef Julia compares one’s interest in certain skills such as the
delicacy of piping and making gum-paste flowers associated with femininity contrasted with the
masculinity of breaking down animal products and showing off knife skills. As more women
enter pastry with an eye for artistic detail, Julia assesses “maybe men just look at it as a foo-foo
career and they don’t see any manliness to pastry.” Catherine related her dedication in providing
happiness to others through baking as an example of her maternal instinct. This association of
baking with nurturing refers back to women’s domestic roles. One baker, David, also associated
the increase in women becoming pastry chefs as an extension of their interest in domestic
baking; however, the same comparison has been made for women becoming culinary chefs as
well. In Catherine’s case, her motherhood and domestic duties did spark her interest in baking as
a profession, but the remaining women interviewees did not make this connection. In fact, David
and James both male, added that seeing their mothers and women members of the family
cooking inspired them to pursue a career in food service. Food’s long history associated with
domestic roles continues to impact society’s perception of baking and pastry as feminine, even
though culinary chefs have been able to separate themselves from amateur cooking as a women’s
Szmodis 30
job. With more women entering the pastry industry with specific interests in the feminine nature
of the work, pastry is at risk of being devalued.
Work Ethics
Throughout the interviews, the subject of one’s work ethic acted as a basis for
interviewees to emphasize the importance of certain traits and values in the workplace regardless
of the stereotypical gender roles attached to them. Most interviewees did not want to ascribe
gender to certain, possibly stereotypical work ethics, knowing that work ethic can vary greatly
from individual to individual based on personality traits and motivations. However, when
prompted for examples, it was observed that women chefs were generally viewed as more open-
minded, forgiving, precise, and organized. These traits strongly correspond to the description of
pastry chefs in general being patient, detail oriented, and organized, although this is a common
description of women chefs in the culinary field as well. Whether or not a majority of pastry
chefs and other women chefs actually act according to these traits, the similarities reveal the
association of feminine traits with pastry work. Interviewees determined that these traits of
patience and creativity attract more women to the artistic “beauty” and delicate work of pastry.
This association of gender identity with pastry allows women to feel more comfortable in a
pastry environment. Chef Instructor Sarah states that working with all women can be a form of
camaraderie, while Julia and Morgan also comment on the empowering nature of seeing other
women succeed in pastry. Negative situations can also occur with having female-dominated
workplaces in which interviewees have seen plenty of gossip, drama, and competition; however,
it was established that this can occur with any mix of gender in the workplace. After
determining that the male-dominated culinary field posed challenges for women defying their
workplace norms, I wonder how these positive, yet feminine environments create issues for men
Szmodis 31
to join in on pastry work. Male Baker David gives interesting feedback, stating that while he’s
able to be friends with his all-female co-workers, he has noticed differences in the ways
individuals work together and interact among groups of different genders. David provides a
specific example of previous male bakers having left the bakeshop because they did not fit into
the female-dominated culture. However, this could also be due to male bakers’ resistance to
taking direction from female supervisors and coworkers. Because of the feminized workplace,
men joining pastry careers may need to show strong work ethic in order to prove they fit into the
culture, similar to how women have had to do this in all kinds of workplaces, specifically those
physical in nature. However, in the end, as long as individuals are willing to learn and work
hard, interviewees maintain that, in general, gender does not impact one’s success or comfort in
pastry kitchens.
Management Styles
Pastry chefs, whether supervisors or instructors, need to determine a management style
that not only works best for their personality, but also motivates and inspires their team or
students. Interviewees believed that women chefs may have certain styles of managing, whether
being more strict, hands-on, or caring and sensitive to employees. Pastry Chef Instructor Sarah
found that some older women chef instructors she had were more strict, feeling the need to put
up a front and gain respect. Pastry Chef Shannon confirms she herself always aims never to
show signs of weakness. Baking Instructor Mary also struggles with her style of management, as
she can be very supportive and sensitive to students needs, but also must assert herself, not only
towards students but specifically while working with other male culinary chef instructors.
Catherine also confirms Harris and Giuffre’s conclusion that women chefs and managers are
typically labeled a “bitch,” which could be more of an issue for pastry chefs who must assert
Szmodis 32
themselves against culinary as well. This strictness and drive for professional perfection by
women chefs may make them likely to micromanage. While micromanaging usually has a
negative connotation, having a hands-on management style is preferred for pastry chefs who
need to demonstrate the precise skills of their work.
A strict, unapproachable management style did not seem appropriate for Pastry Chefs
interviewed who usually work in close quarters with employees, completing similar jobs, and
emphasize the importance of teamwork. Many interviewees believe both pastry chefs and
women in general are more thoughtful and forgiving of mistakes, taking on a nurturing role
towards employees or students. It is unclear how much male pastry chefs may exhibit these
traits and whether gender or the nature of the work contributes to these behaviors. In either case,
women may experience challenges appearing too weak or unprofessional by being too close and
emotionally invested in employees. This stems from the association of caring and nurturing with
motherhood and femininity, ultimately being viewed as unprofessional, especially in an industry
which values one’s drive in the workplace over family and personal life.
Work/Life Balance
With the prevalent, ongoing argument that foodservice industries need to provide better
work/life balance for employees, only a few interviewees commented on these challenges. It has
been established that women typically have fewer options for balancing domestic roles with
professional work, making many believe the lack of benefits and long hours push women out of
the kitchen and away from culinary chef positions. As the pastry industry employs so many
women and mothers, the positions of baking and pastry could act as an alternate workplace
where individuals have more control balancing work and family. As a mother, Pastry Chef
Shannon emphasizes the importance of family when making decisions about her career, and sees
Szmodis 33
pastry as a workplace where she could best balance her professional and personal goals,
specifically with the ability to make her own schedule as a manager. Pastry could be an easier
option for those with more personal responsibilities to succeed because it typically has less of a
hierarchy to climb to managing and supervising positions where one can make their own
schedule. Similarly, with the production of pastries being exceptionally structured and time-
managed, staff may have more flexibility with hours. When closer relationships develop
between pastry chefs and their team, it may give pastry cooks and bakers more control over their
schedule and less conflict if family emergencies would arise. Male Pastry Cook James confirms
he has stayed in his position for over a decade due to the daily, consistent hours of the pastry
shop allowing better work and family balance. Therefore the differences in workplace contribute
to the perception of baking and pastry as a more flexible opportunity for both men and women
seeking a career being in the kitchen without the stress of cooking for service in a more
commanding culinary environment. Bakery Owner Kate shows another example of a woman in
an alternate position where she finds herself doing more of the office work and managerial duties
than her husband, who spends more time managing and contributing to production in the bakery.
Whether or not women cite domestic responsibilities as a main factor in their decisions, the
patterns of those found in food related positions outside the kitchen might be correlated to gender
roles.
Pastry Chef Instructor Sarah confirms that society still puts more pressure on women to
focus on their domestic roles as a priority, specifically when it comes to childcare. While she
and her husband with a similar position balance these responsibilities, she recognized the societal
pressure stemming from her role as a mother conflicting with her professional status. Pastry
instructor positions often provide more benefits, consistency in schedule, and time-off during
Szmodis 34
holidays, giving women more opportunities to balance work and family obligations. However,
there does not appear to be an unequal divide of gender among chef instructors as there are more
women in other areas of pastry work. Sarah confirms that while her teaching position makes it
easier, she had always had the ambition to teach, and leaving the industry did not act as a
sacrifice for her to balance family. Overall pastry chefs still face similar challenges balancing
work and family, but the variety of baking and pastry positions provide more choices than
culinary positions with the higher pressures of cooking for service. The foodservice industry
supplying more support for employees, specifically regarding benefits and maternity and
paternity leave, can lessen the pressure for men and women to alter their career paths whether in
culinary or pastry positions.
Sexual Harassment & Discrimination
Many discussions have been had on how the male-dominated culture of kitchens creates
more gender discrimination and cases of sexual harassment. Despite the media’s focus on male-
dominated culinary environments, the gender divide in the workplace may impact baking and
pastry professionals differently. Celebrity Pastry Chef Johnny Iuzzini’s acknowledgement of his
inappropriate behaviors shows how male pastry chefs can certainly use their power to create
uncomfortable, demeaning cultures for women in pastry kitchens. While a majority of my
interviewees did not find this to be a major occurrence in their workplace, more subtle examples
of discrimination still arise when analyzing how gender subliminally impacts one’s decisions and
actions in the workplace.
In cases where pastry chefs interviewed did not comment on specific examples of sexual
assault or discrimination, harassment definitely appears in other forms. Pastry Instructor Sarah
gives examples of being blamed for others mistakes and being singled out as a pastry chef, which
Szmodis 35
is normalized through the stressful environment of service jobs. Meanwhile, Pastry Instructor
Julia gives other examples where pastry chefs put up with poor treatment, specifically through
low rates of pay and benefits. While chefs’ likelihood of receiving fair income and benefits may
be slowly increasing, the Bureau of Labor Statistics cites restaurant workers as seven out of the
ten lowest paid occupations, with women and tipped workers experiencing even more economic
insecurity (“The Glass Floor,” 2014). In an industry that condones the lack of support in
payment and benefits for employees, expecting all chefs to deal with a certain amount of
harassment and discrimination; the normalization of sexual harassment makes sense, despite the
clear distressing and immoral implications. Julia provides imagery of the imperfect, tiny, high
stress endurance of restaurant kitchens leading individuals to dismiss uncomfortable encounters,
as “these are the spaces we have to work in.” As pastry chefs and women chefs in general lack
power and prestige in the industry, they may tolerate such behaviors even more in order to prove
themselves as professionals with strong work ethics.
In workplaces with such a stark gender divide, it proves more difficult for those of the
opposite gender to not only be hired, but also to fit in. As Kate reached out to bakeries in New
York City for job opportunities, one employee steered her away, explaining how she would not
fit into the masculine, immigrant culture of the production. While Kate went on to find other
female-owned bread bakeries and eventually establish her own, her story of rejection by male-
dominated production bakery was not necessarily a negative. Chef Instructor Sarah claims to
have witnessed this “crude kitchen culture” but was never negatively impacted by it. However,
she also acknowledges her positions in hotels, which typically have HR departments, which
would put an end to more excessive matters of harassment and discrimination. My conversation
with another Chef Instructor, Julia, reveals how her experience in high-end restaurants saw some
Szmodis 36
of this “crudeness” as a sign of camaraderie whereas other industries or individuals might see it
as unprofessional. Many restaurant employees may experience apprehension and discomfort
from the pressure from society and the media to change their workplace behaviors and habits.
Ultimately kitchen workplaces must adapt to get rid of the behaviors, which lead to harassment
and sexual assault without sacrificing the positive sense of accomplishment and camaraderie in
working in a challenging environment.
Media Recognition
The language used to discuss food and chefs throughout various forms of media could
contribute to a false perception of the pastry workplace contributing to the devaluation of
women’s labor. While interviewees felt pastry does get enough recognition in the media, it also
creates an unrealistic image of pastry work due to the “glamorized” visuals of products and fake
work environment shown on screen. Shows on the Food Network typically show over-the-top
and trendy desserts, which pastry chefs confirm have positives and negatives. Pastry is getting
more recognized for its advanced artistry and skill by the general public: due to the Food
Network exposure, Sarah claims “it has made it an acceptable profession for everybody.”
However, television shows and social media posts fail to show the amount of physical work and
time spent learning and executing such products. Nevertheless, many interviewees commented
on the Food Network’s impact in culinary school enrollment, specifically drawing more women
into the pastry field. Chef Instructor Julia remembers being inspired by Gail Gand’s show on the
Food Network before enrolling in culinary school herself. Furthermore, interviewees did not see
a lack of recognition for women chefs in the media, but they were more likely to be discussed
using certain language and categorized by feminine character traits. As Pastry Cook Morgan
describes the general perception of women as inferior workers, she hypothesizes that “we are
Szmodis 37
seeing less and less of that, especially as pastry becomes more popular.While recognition is
certainly positive for women, it could also be damaging, as women chefs may be limited to
certain types of work such as pastry or pressured to follow stereotypical models of femininity,
which may not be comfortable for all individuals.
Conclusion
Through my research on the foodservice industry and discussions with individuals
working within baking and pastry positions, gender appears to play a subliminal yet influential
role in the workplace. As gender is recognized as a more complex concept, it is obvious that not
everyone behaves according to traditional gender roles, but these stereotypes continue to appear
through interviewees’ interests, work ethic, management styles, and individual conflicts.
Overall, I found no distinct difference in the areas of interest, ambitions, work ethics,
management styles or even personalities of the bakers and pastry chefs interviewed according to
gender. However, when asked to discuss gender, interviewees seemed compelled to make
generalized observations and categorize others according to masculine or feminine traits.
Consider my interviewees’ interest in bread baking for example: bread production is distinct
from other pastry work, in which interviewees believed more men are drawn to the masculinity
of the field. However, both men and women interviewed showed interest in a mix of the labor
intensive, scientific nature of bread baking and the artistic, refined view of pastry making. These
findings show the importance of language used by both individuals and the media, which uphold
stereotypes and prejudices despite the common idea that gender has an irrelevant position in the
workplace.
Previous researchers focused on the culinary and restaurant industry showed concern
with how women’s professional cooking is associated with pleasure and comfort through
Szmodis 38
domestic roles, which may keep them from achieving the same amount of success as male chefs.
In some ways, the pastry industry becomes an alternative workplace in which women can
complete kitchen work in an environment less structured by the traditional male-dominated
hierarchy. Although not unheard of, sexual harassment may be experienced less often by pastry
chefs, particularly ones in separate environments from the high stress atmosphere of culinary
service. Analyzing these different workplaces and positions is imperative to understanding how
some individuals rise into positions of power and ensure equal treatment for employees in lower
positions. Despite the feminine work of pastry inspiring and helping women find their place in
kitchen environments it is not exactly an equivalent position to the highly recognized, executive
culinary chef position. All male and female interviewees had specific interest in pursuing baking
and pastry work for its unique skills and environment and not as a secondary option to culinary
work. Unlike office and management jobs for food service companies, pastry chefs and bakers
also face the challenges that come with kitchen work such as work/life balance, different forms
of harassment, and a possible lack of fair income and benefits, depending on their position or
employer. However, the pastry industry in general provides more options for women to advance
into such positions where they can create their own schedules, balance work and family, and hire
and manage their own team, faster than they might in culinary.
Some may even argue that the pastry industry still reinforces the traditional male-
dominated culture despite the increase of women pastry chefs and bakers. With data showing
that male pastry chefs are paid more and more likely to hold higher positions in baking and
pastry, women still may not have as much control as men in the pastry industry (Villeneuve,
2011). Christine Williams (2013) introduces the term “glass escalator” to describe how men are
more likely to rise to successful positions in women-dominated professions, such as nursing,
Szmodis 39
teaching, or social work. Pastry Chef Shannon’s and Baking Instructor Mary’s experiences not
being taken seriously as women in leadership positions show the possibility that men have
advantages due to their perception as “ideal workers” in the pastry industry as it becomes a
feminine viewed profession (Acker, 1990).
As the pastry chef and baker participants discussed their personal ambitions, work ethics,
and observations of the industry, I found the challenges faced by pastry chefs often align or
overlap with the experiences of women chefs. While this could stem from the female
perspective dominating pastry work, interviewees focused on the nature of pastry production and
perception of dessert by society as a whole to comment on such challenges. Just as women’s
work is often devalued, pastry has a history of being unrecognized and undermined by culinary,
even when it is male-dominated. In fact, The New York Times posts an article on the lesser
prestige of pastry chef positions, citing examples of establishments paying pastry chefs less,
hiring less experienced employees, using line cooks to fill pastry positions, or even outsourcing
desserts in order to decrease cost of pastry departments (Scheiber, 2016). Interviewees in my
research pointed out that customers and food critics do not give as much attention to desserts as
savory foods. Mary, a high school baking instructor, saw culinary students act as though they
had more knowledge, skill, and authority than students in the baking program. She speculated
that the lack of respect for pastry chefs and their work comes from desserts nature of being
paired with savory food. Morgan also gives an example of dessert menus being an afterthought
in food journalism after reading articles announcing the opening of her employers’ restaurant.
While searching for announcements or reviews of the dessert menu she designed, Morgan found
only praise for the savory dishes and bar options, which happen to be executed by the male
culinary chefs of the establishment. Such conflict between culinary and pastry chefs may arise
Szmodis 40
because of the stark differences in their production, environments, personalities, and recognition
by the media and public. Executive Pastry Chef Shannon explains how male executive chefs at
the hotel often discuss the pastry menu and production schedule as if they have control over her
and her pastry team. However, Shannon also suggests that her authority over the pastry shop
may be overlooked as she is labeled as an inferior manager due to her gender. Baking Instructor
Mary faces similar prejudices due to both her position in baking and identity as a women, when
her students question her title of a “Chef. While students had no problems crediting previous
male pastry chef instructors and female culinary instructors for their expertise, the combination
of femininity and baking skills devalued Mary’s position according to students. Mary also finds
it difficult to work together with the male culinary chefs at the high school, who fail to listen and
value her ideas even though she has expertise of more industry experience. Again and again, the
experiences of interviewees showed overlap between the power and prestige of culinary over
pastry and male chefs over female chefs. Chef Instructor Sarah thinks back to a previous
position as a pastry chef, being held responsible for her pastry team and product, yet still making
$2 less an hour than the male line cooks. Whether these inequalities occurred due to the gender
of the individual or simply the position as a pastry chef, these examples expose how certain types
of labor are devalued while others gain praise and superiority.
These disregarded forms of inequality should be considered in order to determine how
much gender does impact one’s success and recognition. My research is narrowed to the United
States, but the gender breakdown of those in baking and pastry positions across the world should
be examined as the industry becomes more connected on a global level. Additionally, instead of
singling out women as an underrepresented or minority group, gender should be discussed as a
complex system of roles and norms impacting all individuals. This would allow for other topics
Szmodis 41
such as race, masculinity, and sexuality to be included in the discussion on gender. Despite the
gendered stereotypes still pervading the language and systems of the industry, interviewees
emphasized the idea of inclusivity in the pastry workplaces, as gender, race, sexuality should not
impact the success of people in any position. Many interviewees reflected on their own idea of
gender and the workplace, hoping they did not treat students and employees of theirs differently
according to such binary gender stereotypes. Pastry Chef Shannon even admits to her preference
of hiring female externs, and realizing the partiality of such thoughts, decides that although fewer
males apply for pastry positions, they should be considered just as equally as all the females
working in the pastry shop. While participants ultimately valued the work ethic and personality
traits of coworkers and employees, it was determined that people are socialized to adopt certain
interests, work ethics, and management styles according to their gender roles, which creates the
divide seen in the pastry industry.
Although single acts or ideas cannot address the larger imbalances of power in the pastry
industry, interviewees hypothesized various ways in which the industry is already improving.
For one, as food service employees receive better pay and benefits, they are shown that their
work is valued and worthy enough not to have to tolerate any forms of harassment. Moreover, as
society accepts the complexity of gender, and individuals are less likely to behave according to
such binary roles, chefs can feel free to work and manage according to their personal preferences
and receive praise as such. David, a baker, has hopes for pastry being sufficiently recognized by
media and consumers: “People are recognizing that it takes a certain skill to do pastry, not
everyone can do it, not everyone is good at it.” Conclusively, these discussions with bakers and
pastry chefs did provide insight to how kitchens can be more inclusive by valuing both women’s
work and the scientific and artistic skills of pastry professionals. The pastry industry has shown
Szmodis 42
how all kinds of kitchen work create high stress environments in which people of any gender can
certainly thrive. With women chefs speaking out about such mistreatment and pastry jobs
providing more recognition for women, the industry is changing to demand respect for all
employees without diminishing the value of women’s work. As the foodservice industry aspires
to prove that gender no longer impacts one’s work, success, or recognition, professionals must
still recognize the ways in which gender roles impact the interests, thoughts, and behaviors of
individuals and workplace culture as a whole.
Szmodis 43
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Szmodis 46
Appendix A
Participant Information
Pseudonym
Gender
Current Position
Current Location
Training
Kate
Female
Bakery Owner
Providence, RI
Culinary Institue of America
Catherine
Female
Baking Instructor
Bristol, RI
Johnson & Wales University
James
Male
Pastry Cook
Providence, RI
Johnson & Wales University
Mary
Female
Baking Instructor
Bethlehem, PA
New England Culinary Institute
Sarah
Female
Pastry Chef Instructor
Providence, RI
Johnson & Wales University
Morgan
Female
Pastry Cook
Williamsburg, VA
Culinary Institute of America
Nathan
Male
Baking Instructor
Dublin, CA
Johnson & Wales University
Shannon
Female
Pastry Chef
Skytop, PA
Culinary Institute of Amercia
Julia
Female
Pastry Chef Instructor
Providence, RI
Johnson & Wales University
David
Male
Baker
Connecticut
Johnson & Wales University
Megan
Female
Pastry Cook
New York City, NY
Culinary Institute of America
Karen
Female
Pastry Chef
Providence, RI
Johnson & Wales University
Szmodis 47
Appendix B
Interview Questions
1. Could you describe any culinary schooling or training that you received?
a. What lead you to attend culinary school or training?
2. Can you give a brief overview of your previous work experience?
3. What interested or inspired you to pursue pastry as a profession?
4. Do you have an area of expertise or specific interest within the field?
5. Could you tell me about any mentors you have had at any point in your career?
6. Have you ever participated in any competitions or received any awards?
a. Would you be interested in competing in the future?
7. Could you describe a pastry work environment as it may differ from culinary?
8. What skills or character traits might pastry chefs need that culinary chefs may not?
9. Do you think pastry chefs or bakers get enough media representation?
a. How might this image differ from your personal work experience?
10. How has the general perception of pastry arts changed over the course of your career?
11. Have you noticed a gender divide within your experience in the industry?
a. How did it affect the workplace culture?
12. Do you think women chefs have a different work style or ethic from men?
a. Could you describe any of these qualities using an example?
13. What was the gender breakdown of your schooling or training?
14. Have you had more male or female supervisors and instructors?
a. Were there any ways their management styles differed?
15. Do you think gender ever has a role in the hiring or promotional process in the industry?
Szmodis 48
16. Could you describe any challenges in the workplace that may stem from your gender
identity?
17. Have you ever experienced any discrimination or harassment specific to your gender identity
in a pastry workplace?
18. Why do you think there are more women in the pastry industry compared to men?
a. In general, do you think this creates a more positive or negative work environment?
19. What do you think about how women chefs are portrayed in the media and
news?
a. How does this differ from your experience in the industry?
20. In what ways do you think the industry could improve on being more gender inclusive?